An Analytical Report on the Collected Roadmaps for Formulating “Comprehensive Composite Roadmap,” a Roadmap for the People of Afghanistan

Date: 15 January 2026

Co-authored by Zalmai Nishat (Mosaic Founder) and Prof Sayed Busain Eshraq

Introduction

It has been more than four years since the collapse of the Republic in Afghanistan in 2021; an event that was not merely a change of political regime, but signified a structural rupture in the logic of power, political legitimacy, and the social order of the country. During this period, Afghanistan has become an arena for the reconfiguration of social, political, and civil forces—characterised both domestically and within the sphere of exile and the diaspora communities, indicating the persistence of political agency under conditions of structural obstructions. Within this context, a diverse array of political currents, armed resistance fronts, protest movements, women’s movements, and critical civil society groups has emerged. This diversity can be understood as the varied responses of actors to the collapse of the institutional order and the absence of social legitimacy. A common point among all these forces is the explicit rejection of the Taliban and other forms of violence-driven extremism; a rejection which is not only a political stance but also carries a normative judgement about the incompatibility of the Taliban’s totalitarianism with human dignity, citizen rights, and political rationality.

Alongside this negative positioning, some currents have sought to chart positive horizons for breaking the political and social deadlock by formulating “roadmaps,” strategic plans and policies. These efforts can be seen as endeavours to rethink the path of state-building, revive social capital, and regenerate institutional capacities. However, many of these plans have remained at the level of documents due to a lack of organic connection between structural analysis, social realities, and power dynamics. But simultaneously, efforts have been made to foster solidarity and coordination among forces opposed to the Taliban. In this vein, structures have formed which can be considered a kind of “common umbrella” platforms for the diverse opposing forces.

While the “Vienna Process” seeks to bring diverse opposition groups under one umbrella, and the organisation “Women for Afghanistan” aims to unify various women’s struggles, the Mosaic Foundation initiative strives to create a “shared vision” and roadmap for diverse political and civil society group on Afghanistan’s future. From the perspective of collective action, these umbrella initiatives represent attempts to overcome fragmentation, reduce the costs of political action, and formulate collective demands, thereby enabling scattered opposition to coalesce around meaningful political action or vision. Each of these initiatives are complementary to one another.

However, experience has shown that formal solidarity, without theoretical agreement on the nature of power, the model of the state, and the relationship between religion and politics, can scarcely lead to effective political action. The initiative of Mosaic Foundation—to create a “shared vision”—therefore, is of a great consequence.

Within this framework, Mosaic adopted a distinct approach, as the first organisation, moving away from adding yet another “roadmap” to the existing accumulation of plans towards conducting a comparative analysis and synthesis of the of political and civil currents’ roadmaps. Also, a full charity, Mosaic only can convene, rather than prescribe political plans.

The Strategic Significance of the Initiative

This initiative can significantly influence the policies of opposition currents, regional and global countries, as well as international organisations such as the United Nations. At the same time, this initiative aims to emphasise the possibility of forming a “common horizon” based on rational dialogue among political and civil actors, rather than reproducing the logic of discursive competition and programmatic supremacy. This process can make achieving an “overlapping consensus” possible. In this approach, political rationality is understood not as a tool for seizing power, but as a process for regulating the relationship between social diversity, conflict of interests, and the possibility of political coexistence, prioritising rational dialogue and discussion.

The objective of this initiative was to lay the groundwork for formulating a “comprehensive and composite roadmap”; a roadmap capable of moving beyond the level of negative positioning and mere rejection of the Taliban to address fundamental questions concerning the future political order, the configuration of power, legitimacy, and social participation. Such a roadmap will only impactful if it considers institutional reconstruction, the revival of social capital, and the empowerment of social actors not in isolation, but in an intertwined, phased, and contextually rooted connection to the lived realities of society, avoiding reducing the grand concept of development to a mechanical redistribution of political power or a mere quota system for elite rotation (an issue that the Bonn Agreement suffered from).

The various efforts of political and civil society currents are all commendable, but many of these structures still suffer from a lack of a clear vision for a paradigmatic shift in the understanding of politics and power, necessary for a sustainable peace and historical political settlement in Afghanistan. The fundamental issue is not merely replacing one governance system with another, but transitioning from a logic of domination, power concentration, and the elimination of the “other,” towards an order based on pluralism, rule of law, and the recognition of social reality founded on an intercultural logic. Such a fundamental transition necessitates a transformation in the understanding of politics—a shift from politics as a field for capturing and possessing power, to politics as the arena for the rational cohesion of diversity, the management of social conflicts based on a consensus through dialogue, and enabling meaningful citizen participation. The absence of this paradigmatic horizon has meant that many scattered efforts, despite their reformist intentions and potential capacities, have remained at the level of reactive, short-term responses and have been unable to yield sustainable and transformative results in the structure of power and social order. Hence, it is argued that without fundamental rethinking in the realm of politics and power, no roadmap will be able to bridge the gap between political action, social reality, and the requirements for sustainable development, nor enable a transition towards a political and social order based on justice, legitimacy, and participation.

Cambridge Afghanistan Series Three (CAS-III-2024) and Roadmaps

In response to this need, Mosaic Foundation, within the framework of its annual conference at the University of Cambridge (September 2024), invited six political currents of Afghanistan to submit and then present their plans and roadmaps, which were subjected to critical and analytical assessment by independent experts. The significance of this initiative lies not only in bringing political actors together but in creating a space for critical reflection, scholarly evaluation, and theoretical rethinking—a space that can elevate politics from the level of emergency responses to the level of responsible deliberation about Afghanistan’s future.

The movements and political groups’ representatives were invited—taking into account the criteria of diversity, inclusivity of ethnic and religious sects as well as having strong roots among the people—to present their visions for Afghanistan's future, and they were as follows:

The Vienna Process for a Democratic Afghanistan
The National Resistance Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan
The National Trust Movement of Afghanistan
The Federalists Assembly of Afghanistan
The Freedom Front of Afghanistan
The Citizens' Party of Afghanistan

These roadmaps reflected diverse political viewpoints, each offering unique strategies for resolving the current crisis. During the conference dialogues, the invited experts noted a significant overlap between these roadmaps. It was suggested that Mosaic Foundation should commission a report on common points of these proposals. The conference concluded with a shared sense of responsibility, emphasising the potential for innovative, participatory solutions based on intercultural values. This exchange of ideas provided a suitable platform for future dialogue and actions.

Expert examination revealed that over 90% of the content of these roadmaps overlaps in strategic and substantive points, including: the people’s right to self-determination; Afghanistan’s legitimate and democratic transition of towards democracy; adherence to human rights values encompassing freedom, equality, and development; human security guarantees; recognising social diversity; promotion gender equality; required transformation in education and culture as fundamentals; purging the country of international terrorism; just economic reconstruction; preserving the environment and managing climate change; and balanced foreign policy based on intercultural values. These commonalities clearly highlight the necessity of formulating a “comprehensive composite roadmap” (CCR) and demonstrate that utilising these shared points can create a coordinated and operational model for crisis management and advancing the country’s transformation process.

Working Group for Drafting the “Comprehensive Composite Roadmap”

Following the findings of the 2024 conference, a dedicated working group was created, comprising representatives of the six political groups presenting their roadmap, representatives of civil society organisations (SCOs), including women and journalists, independent experts, ulema and academics. The primary mission of this working group, in addition to reviewing the existing roadmaps, was to collect other plans and extract points of commonality and agree on mechanisms to identify convergence among them. The management and facilitation of this process was undertaken by the Mosaic Foundation, directed by Mr. Zalmai Nishat and his colleague Ms. Shaira Karimi.

Members of the working group included the National Trust Movement of Afghanistan, led by Professor Nazif Shahrani, Ambassador Wolfgang Petritsch, facilitator of the Vienna Process for a Democratic Afghanistan, the chair of the working group was entrusted to Professor Sayed Hossain Eshraq, the President of Assembly of Coexistence and Liberation (“Mehr”), an organisation for which one of its key missions is creating coordination and alignment among forces opposed to the Taliban.

To strengthen civil society representation and ensure the presence of women and journalists, the “New Afghanistan Democratic Forum” (NAD-Forum) was also invited to join the working group; a platform that operates with an inclusive, diverse, and democratic approach, brining several dozen of SCOs and independent figures from Afghanistan, the region and the wider world under one umbrella with five working groups focusing on five area of policy on Afghanistan.

A number of independent academic and expert figures also participated in the working group to strengthen the analysis and synthesis of the roadmaps from a scientific and international perspective. These individuals included Professor Zuzanna Olszewska, Professor Magnus Marsden, Dr Nasir Andisha, Permanent Representative of Afghanistan to the UN in Geneva, Mr David Lyon, veteran journalist, writer and an expert of Afghanistan, Professor Michael Semple, the renowned Afghanistan expert and former UN official, Ms Shahira Karimi from the Federalists Assembly of Afghanistan, Ms Sajia Baigham, former professor at Kabul University and researcher, and Dr Munazza Ebtikar from the University of Oxford.

The formation of such a multifaceted working group enabled the integration of different political, civil, and academic viewpoints and created a suitable foundation for formulating the CCR—a roadmap that can offer a practical strategy for solidarity and coordination among democratic forces for a free Afghanistan.

Common Points in the Plans

The working group for reviewing and synthesising roadmaps and viewpoints analysed a total of 12 roadmaps and 8 proposals presented by various political and civils society groups, including four active political and civil currents from inside Afghanistan who continue their struggle despite conditions of repression.

The review results indicate that among these plans, over 90% overlap, alignment, and common points exist regarding their visions and objectives. As mentioned above, besides shared points, all these plans share a fundamental commonality: deep dissatisfaction with the current situation and a serious will for change—a will that acts not only as a reaction to existing conditions but as an effort to recreate the country's political, social, and institutional order, centred on participation, legitimacy, and social justice. This very alignment and sharing of values make it possible to create a composite roadmap that guides collective action.

Most of these groups believe that Afghanistan’s future political system should be based on the people’s right to self-determination, formed through a nationwide referendum, and simultaneously, human rights and equality, including gender equality, should be among its top priorities.

Points of Difference in the Plans

Despite extensive commonalities, differences among the roadmaps and viewpoints are observed. Expert analysis indicates that these differences manifest in practical domains and include the following:

Logical strategies for addressing inequality and guaranteeing structural justice in Afghanistan;
Differences in views regarding the role of international actors and the necessity of localising transformations;
Methods of struggle for creating change and how to realise it: engagement with the Taliban versus struggle against the Taliban;
Differences in views concerning the desired type of political system for the country: centralised vs decentralised political systems
Interpretation of the concept of territorial integrity.

Production of Preliminary Documents

Considering the aforementioned differences, before synthesising the roadmaps and strategic viewpoints, four preliminary documents were produced by working group members. Based on these documents, and in light of recommended methodological guidelines and clarifications, the formulation of the CCR became possible. These documents included:

The completed 2024 report on the six roadmaps (refer to the Mosaic website);
The analytical report on the 12 roadmaps and 8 viewpoint plans (this report, now updated);
A list of criteria for roadmap analysis;
A guiding framework for formulating the CCR for political transition in Afghanistan.

Based on these documents, the draft of the CCR has endeavoured to reflect the common points of the roadmaps and viewpoints of political and civil currents and to highlight key concepts, values, and visions. Furthermore, at various stages, approaches, mechanisms, and practical processes have been added to the document to enhance its implementability.

The aforementioned realities justify the necessity of adopting an analytical and scientific approach to unify points of commonality and manage differences. Accordingly, planning for the unveiling of the CCR and the examination of differing viewpoints within specialised panels at the foreseen series of conferences at the University of Cambridge has been placed on the agenda. Therefore, the necessity for continuous dialogue among groups regarding these issues is strongly felt, and Mosaic is committed to providing the necessary platform for realising these dialogues.

The Roadmaps and Strategic Plans Reviewed

The documents reviewed, in summary, are as follows:

The Vienna Process for a Democratic Afghanistan

The plan presented by the Vienna Process emphasises that overcoming Afghanistan’s political and social crisis is only possible within the framework of establishing an inclusive political structure; a structure encompassing all ethnic, political, social, and cultural groups—both women and men. Within this framework, public participation is introduced as a fundamental condition for achieving stability and sustainable peace.

The main objectives of this plan are:

Shaping a political system based on Islamic, civil, and democratic values;
Establishing political legitimacy on the free will of the people and the rule of law;
Guaranteeing social justice, eliminating structural discrimination, and safeguarding citizens’ rights;
Combating terrorism and extremism and eliminating their educational and institutional foundations;
Reconstructing Afghanistan’s international standing and ending the culture of impunity.

To achieve these objectives, the Vienna Process proposed a series of executive actions, including:

Creating and strengthening active relations with political and civil groups seeking an alternative democratic order;
Forming an inclusive commission to develop a vision for the future system, observing gender, ethnic, and religious balance;
Holding a national conference to approve proposed plans and documents;
Sustained support for any form of resistance, especially in defence of the rights of women and girls, and pursuing these demands at the international level.

The National Resistance Front of Afghanistan

The charter of the NRF outlines a comprehensive and multidimensional framework encompassing simultaneously military, political, social, and cultural dimensions. Relying on Afghanistan’s history and civilisational heritage, this charter pursues a national, democratic, and modern approach.

Foundational Principles: Resistance against the Taliban as an illegitimate group is justified from religious, national, and historical perspectives, emphasising defence of justice, freedom, the people's will, national unity, and territorial integrity. Belief in a moderate interpretation of Islam alongside respect for the rights of religious and ethnic minorities forms the basis of this current's social and political policies.
Political System: The Resistance Front calls for a decentralised, national, and modern system based on the free will of the people and free elections, deriving its legitimacy from an elected parliament, and free from ethnic, linguistic, religious, and gender discrimination.
Citizen and Social Rights: The charter emphasises support for women's education and employment, freedom of expression, civil liberties, and confronting extremism. Cultural and linguistic pluralism, and preservation of social diversity are fundamental principles of this section.
Foreign Policy: This current's foreign policy is based on independence, territorial integrity, national interest, good neighbourliness, and active presence in the global arena.
Security and Defence: Armed struggle against the Taliban is considered the main strategy, but the possibility of dialogue is not ruled out. Rebuilding and consolidating security and defence forces are key objectives of this section.
Humanitarian and Economic Crises: Attention to poverty, unemployment, displacement, and natural disasters are other axes of the charter. Cooperation with national, international institutions, and the private sector is presented as the main solution for managing these crises.
Ultimate Goal: Establishing a system based on the people's will that guarantees freedom, justice, political participation, and social and cultural convergence.

The policy of the NRF combines military struggle against the Taliban and terrorist groups with efforts to establish democracy, social justice, national unity, and protection of citizen rights. This charter shows that resistance is not only military but also encompasses political, cultural, and social horizons, emphasising a future that is decentralised, accountable, and legitimate.

The Afghanistan Freedom Front

The charter of the AFF is based on the principle of national sovereignty and a united Afghanistan, emphasising freedom, social justice, human rights, and universal participation. With a moderate approach to the religion of Islam and advocating peaceful coexistence among ethnicities and religions, AFF is confronting discrimination and inequality at the core of its activities.

Foundational Principles: Respect for ethnic and social diversity, a moderate interpretation of Islam alongside guaranteeing minority rights, equality of citizens before the law, and adherence to individual and social freedoms.
Political System: The Freedom Front advocates a decentralised and democratic system where the separation of the three branches of government, judicial independence, and financial and electoral transparency are guaranteed. Drafting a new constitution through a referendum as the social contract of the people of Afghanistan is a primary objective of this section.
Struggle and Security: Conscious resistance against the Taliban while observing humanitarian law, supporting anti-Taliban currents (excluding terrorist groups), and rebuilding security forces to guarantee national stability are among the priorities.
Citizens’ Civil and Social Rights: Support for education in mother tongues, balanced cultural and geographical development, strengthening women's position against gender discrimination, and attention to culture and art as infrastructure for social convergence are prominent principles.
Foreign Policy: This current emphasises exposing the dangers of the Taliban globally, cooperating with the United Nations, the International Criminal Court, and neighbouring countries. Foreign policy is based on national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the principle of non-interference.
Objectives and Vision: Overthrowing the Taliban Emirate, drafting a new social contract, guaranteeing freedom, equality, welfare, human dignity, and establishing an accountable and legitimate system where the people have a direct role in determining the country's destiny.

The policy of the AFF combines military struggle and political activity, centred on social justice, citizen freedoms, and constructive engagement with the international community, aiming to create a free, united, and developed Afghanistan.

The National Resistance Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan

The NRC has presented a phased plan in response to the current crisis, pursued at both national and international levels.

National Level:

Creating a single umbrella for the convergence of forces opposed to the Taliban;
Reaching a common framework for exiting the crisis and agreeing on a future roadmap;
Consensus on a desired political system based on stability, social justice, and universal welfare, emphasising a decentralised system;
Establishing a specific institution as the reference point for internal and international communication.

International Level:

The Council calls on the United Nations and the international community to facilitate the grounds for national dialogue by applying political pressure on the Taliban, supporting the opposition, providing a representative office in a third country, and determining the location and time for negotiations.

In case of the Taliban's refusal to negotiate, the NRC emphasises the necessity for targeted support of opposition forces, organising civil protests, attracting moderate Taliban, cutting economic aid and imposing sanctions, as well as supporting democratic and justice-seeking currents. In the final stages, initiating peace talks, forming an interim government, and transitioning to an elected, participation-based system are proposed.

The National Trust Movement

The Nahzat Etimade Milli (NTM) supports a decentralised, citizen-centric, and value-based political system and has presented its plan for overcoming Afghanistan’s current crisis in three stages. This current supports a decentralised system and local self-governance.

Establishing an International Peace Commission: This commission is tasked with examining ways of engaging with the Taliban and facilitating the participation of all stakeholders of Afghanistan in formulating a national solution—a solution that makes achieving just peace possible.
Forming a National Peace Committee: The International Peace Commission, in cooperation with national and regional institutions, will organise a committee comprising representatives from provinces and migrants’ communities of Afghanistan. The composition of this committee should be proportionate to the population and cultural-ethnic diversity of the country to be a true symbol of the “national will.”
Establishing a Transitional Government: The National Peace Committee will be responsible for forming a transitional government. This government must be inclusive, representative, and committed to democratic values, and tasked with overseeing the transition period towards a stable, accountable, and democratic system.

The Assembly of Coexistence and Liberation or “Mehr”

The “Mehr” Assembly, relying on principles of peaceful coexistence, social justice, and human dignity, presents a roadmap for overcoming the current crisis, managing the transition period, and rebuilding national institutions. According to “Mehr,” the path to Afghanistan’s liberation only passes through commitment to human rights and citizen solidarity.

First Stage: Groundwork and Organisation: This stage is based on three main axes: organising forces, consolidating national capacities, and preparing the ground for international dialogues. Key steps include:

Supporting popular resistance against repression & structural discrimination;
Cooperating with justice-seeking and democracy-demanding forces;
Active engagement with international institutions to garner support based on the UN Charter and human rights principles;
Initiating comprehensive dialogues with the participation of ethnicities, minorities, women, youth, and migrants;
Drafting a common pact based on civic solidarity, a new social contract, and citizen equality.

Second Stage: International Conference: The Mehr Assembly calls for holding an international conference under UN supervision with the participation of political and civil currents of Afghanistan, regional governments, and international institutions. The goal of this conference is to reach consensus on the future political system—a just, development-oriented system with an inclusive structure that guarantees equal rights for all citizens.

From this conference, two fundamental institutions should emerge: a “Core Constituent Assembly” for drafting a new social contract and a “Democratic Transition Institution” for managing the transfer of power. The success of this process depends on meaningful dialogue, avoiding the imposition of power, and consensus based on human dignity and civil rights. One of the primary missions of “Mehr” is coordinating among currents opposed to the Taliban. For this reason, the chairmanship of the working group for drafting the CCR, facilitated by the Mosaic Foundation, rests with “Mehr.”

The Citizens’ Party of Afghanistan

The CPA sees the root of the country’s crises in the continuation of ethnic inequalities and the historical domination of a minority over the past century and a half. This party supports a federal parliamentary system and emphasises the necessity of transitioning from authoritarianism to democracy.

The proposed roadmap of the CPA includes the following stages:

Creating Internal Coordination: Holding a meeting among political parties and civil society organisations (SCOs), similar to the Bonn 2001 Conference, to achieve a comprehensive political agreement.
International Engagement: Close cooperation with the international community, including the regional countries, emphasising non-recognition of the Taliban as a legal government.
Forming an Interim Government: Establishing an interim government under UN supervision to facilitate the transition period.
New Constitution: Drafting a federal parliamentary constitution based on the separation of powers, ethnic justice, and the rule of law.

According to CPA, the proposed process is reminiscent of the experience after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, and its realisation requires the role-playing of the United Nations and the international community as facilitators and guarantors of Afghanistan’s political transition.

The Federalists Assembly of Afghanistan

The FAA attributes the roots of political instability and the failure of governance structures in Afghanistan to the incompatibility of past systems with the social and historical realities of the country. This current explicitly emphasises fundamental change in the power structure and supports employing all legitimate methods to confront despotism.

The official statement of this assembly states: “We ask international organisations and countries involved in the issues of Afghanistan, particularly the United Nations, including its Security Council of the UN, to utilise global experiences and considering the current crisis, create conditions for establishing a transitional period—a period that, under UN supervision and through comprehensive dialogue, leads to the drafting and approval of a federal constitution and the holding of free and nationwide elections.”

With a structural view of Afghanistan’s crisis, FAA emphasises the necessity for fundamental reforms and the creation of a new political order, believing that only through a transparent, just, and internationally supervised transition can stability, democracy, and justice be achieved.

The Afghanistan Third Way Movement

ATWP introduces itself as a “global network of independent intellectuals of Afghanistan” whose members consist of university professors, researchers, politicians, professionals, youth, and activists. ATWP emphasises the following principles:

Modernising power structures by supporting a policymaking process based on national laws and international law standards;
Establishing national stability and security based on four core principles: balance in power, balance in domestic policy, balance in socio-economic growth, and balance in foreign policy;
Developing the network and broader coalitions to shape a powerful movement in support of the people of Afghanistan.

The National Axis Party

An examination of the strategic approach of the NAP shows that its intellectual foundations are based on concepts such as “Afghan-ness,” “Islam-ness,” “Civility,” and “Legality.” The political discourse of this party is primarily focused on redefining national identity—a redefinition that in practice reinforces homogenising tendencies and therefore requires reflection and critical dialogue in the public sphere.

This current began its activities first under the name “Vish Afghan,” then changed to “Afghan National Ghurzang,” and was finally established with the title “National Axis.” A document titled ‘Brief Introduction of the National Axis’ states: “We do not expect that under Taliban rule, our national aspirations will be realised.” However, the overall tone of this document indicates a moderate and cautious approach towards the Taliban; an approach that, instead of their overthrow, emphasises gradual reform from within the existing political system.

In the official positions of NAP, “civil struggle” is highlighted as the main strategy. Relying on changing Taliban behaviour through dialogue and civil pressure, efforts to create inclusive national parties, and forming a union of democratic and peace-seeking forces are among the mechanisms that the NAP proposes for a peaceful exit from the current crisis.

The Islamic Party – Led by Hekmatyar

The strategic viewpoint of the Islamic Party indicates a continuation of this current’s previous positions. The first part of the document is dedicated to explicit criticism of past and present political rivals, including leftist groups, other jihadist currents, and technocratic figures.

Subsequently, the proposal to form a “Competent and Elected Council” is raised, tasked with drafting and approving a new constitution, after which initiating negotiations among internal factions to reach political understanding is recommended.

Although emphasis is placed on entrusting the “Divine Trust”—which in this viewpoint is equated with political leadership—to a worthy individual, no specific mechanism for its realisation is provided, and there is no reference to modern democratic mechanisms such as free elections and public participation.

This approach is rooted in a theological-political reading of power and does not centre modern concepts of national sovereignty, separation of powers, and legitimacy based on public consent. Within this framework, governance is defined not as a social contract but as a sacred responsibility in the hands of bearers of religious legitimacy. In this model, the people are seen not as equal citizens but as “subjects” under the concept of the “Ummah”; a perspective with religious overtones that legitimises political centralisation.

The Republican Party

In its statement, the Republican Party emphasises certain identity elements, including the name “Afghanistan,” the concept of “Afghan-ness,” and the “national flag” as red lines. This position indicates the current’s adherence to symbols considered “national.”

However, other parts of the party’s viewpoint also reflect tendencies towards democratic principles, including drafting a new constitution, holding nationwide elections with the participation of all political factions—including the Taliban—and establishing a system based on the rule of law.

To achieve these objectives, the Republican Party emphasises the necessity for dialogue among internal currents to prepare the ground for political agreement and pave the way for holding nationwide elections.

The National Congress of Afghanistan

The roadmap of the NCA is formulated at a general level, but its core concepts are noteworthy. The main axis of this roadmap is based on serious commitment to the principle of “non-violence” and the rejection of any policy or action leading to bloodshed and human sacrifice. This approach indicates the peace-seeking attitude and moral commitment of NCA towards managing social and political crises.

The NCA also has a specific position on historical and regional issues. The NCA does not recognise the Durand Line and supports what it calls the “claim of Pashtun and Baloch brothers” residing on the other side of the Durand Line. Such positions indicate a holistic view of historical, cultural, and geographical issues in the region.

Overall, the NCA’s roadmap reflects this current’s commitment to peace, respect for human rights, and resolving disputes through dialogue.

The National Movement for Peace and Justice

The NMPJ has adopts a cautious approach towards the current situation in Afghanistan. The charter of this current makes no mention of struggles or armed resistances against the Taliban, but criticisms are raised regarding the ban on women’s education and employment and the country’s economic crisis.

The NMPJ emphasises the implementation of the “intra-Afghan understanding” or National Dialogue section of the Doha Agreement and calls for the revival of the High Council for National Reconciliation to facilitate this process. It calls upon the UN and the international community direct their serious attention to Afghanistan’s issues and compel the Taliban to participate in “intra-Afghan dialogue” (National Dialogue). Within the framework of this plan, it is proposed that specific seats in the government structure, including both elective and appointive institutions, be allocated for the Taliban and religious scholars.

However, this plan does not specify the parties representing the people in “intra-Afghan negotiations”; in other words, even if the Taliban declare readiness for talks, it is unclear which groups or currents will represent citizens of Afghanistan.

The New Afghanistan Democratic Forum (NAD-Forum)

NAD-Forum has been established to serve as an inclusive, diverse, and democratic civil society platform for fostering collaboration, communication, and synergy among its members which includes over 40 CSOs as well as independent civil society figures and activists, and stakeholders from Afghanistan, Europe (and the UK), USA, Canada and Australia, Turkiye and other countries as well as from the exiled communities. It has five Thematic Working Group (TWG) of civil society, human rights, and women's rights advocacy collectives, within its framework. They include:

TWG: Counterterrorism and counternarcotics
TWG: Human rights and women’s rights
TWG: In response to inherent pluralism and diversity of society reflecting on democracy alternative with a relevant social compact
TWG: Humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan (and avoiding Taliban misuse)
TWG: Education and the Taliban’s ambition of mass radicalisation of the youth
TWG: To Facilitate Dialogues: civil, political, and religious (coupled with national and regional)

Its governance structure has a secretariate and the above thematic working group and is regulated by the General Assembly.

The SCOs include human rights organisations and advocates for women's rights and freedom of expression, have expressed explicit and radical criticisms of the Taliban's policies and performance in their positions. They consider issues such as “gender apartheid,” the spread of poverty, structural discrimination, and the injustice of Taliban rule as serious threats to human dignity and fundamental rights, and have classified some actions as crimes against humanity.

This collective emphasises the necessity for continuous struggle in social, political, and cultural domains and considers fundamental reforms in governance and politics as a condition for the “humanisation of power.” The approach of these currents is based on a paradigmatic change in governance; changes that not only transform political structures but also redefine the legal, ethical, and value realms of society.

Within this framework, concepts such as democracy, the rule of law, legal equality, social justice, and sustainable development are emphasised as guiding principles for the discussion of a “New Afghanistan.” These collectives demonstrate that realising a democratic and humane Afghanistan requires the simultaneous integration of institutional reforms, the reproduction of citizen rights, and the strengthening of a culture of justice and accountability at all levels of power.

Currents Inside the Country

Four active political and civil currents inside Afghanistan, whose identities have been withheld for security reasons, have shared their strategic viewpoints with the CCR Working Group and its Secretariate run by Mosaic. All these currents emphasise the necessity for fundamental and structural change in the dominant situation and recognise the Taliban as an inefficient entity lacking political and social legitimacy. From their perspective, Afghanistan under Taliban rule has become a land suffering from deep social disintegration, captured by Taliban oligarchies in different regions of the country, and administered by a corrupt and inefficient system—a situation whose consequences are clearly observed in widespread poverty, pervasive unemployment, class discrimination, and the deprivation of social groups from their fundamental rights.

These currents believe that a real change is only possible by returning to the people’s right to self-determination. They emphasise the centrality of human dignity and equality among citizens, including equality between women and men in all spheres, and insist that the people must play a meaningful and active role in fundamental decision-making and the country's development process. Furthermore, they consider Taliban’s praetorianism a serious threat to human security in Afghanistan and emphasise cleansing the country of terrorist groups and limiting the power of extremist forces, as the persistence of such forces leads to the consolidation of crisis and inefficiency in the political and social order.

In sum, these viewpoints represent a deep understanding of Afghanistan’s structural and social crisis and an effort to recreate a political order based on participation, legitimacy, social justice, and sustainable development—a perspective parts of which are reflected in the comprehensive composite roadmap and can provide a basis for strategic policymaking and collective action in the country's future.

The Logic of Producing the Comprehensive Composite Roadmap

Creating the CCR for Afghanistan requires the convergence of diverse wills in the country’s political, cultural, and social spheres—a convergence only possible in the light of political rationality, dialogue-centred ethics, and recognition of shared lived experience in the history and collective memory of the land. Such a roadmap must be founded on shared civilisational values, political and social ethics, and development-oriented justice principles; values that not only provide the grounds for mutual respect among diverse cultural and identity groups but also guarantee mutual recognition within the intercultural horizon of Afghanistan’s multi-voiced and multi-confessional society.

Within this framework, democratic mechanisms, inclusive of citizen participation, and openness to diversity of viewpoints must be considered in connection with our justice-oriented civilisational traditions—especially the ancient concept of “Daad-o-Wedaad” (Justice and Reciprocity)—as the legitimacy-granting foundation of the future political order. From the perspective of cultural sociology and political philosophy, shared historical experience, collective memory, and intercultural communication are the backbone for forming an order based on social justice, ethical legitimacy, and institutional accountability.

Historical experiences clearly show that hegemonic and discriminatory models, based on domination, exclusion, and monopoly, not only lead to the erosion of social capital but deepen structural inefficiencies, cultural polarisation, and blockage of paths for human development. In contrast, a political order based on inclusivity, the development of human capacities, and the centrality of citizenship is the only path for realising a just and stable structure; a structure in which justice permeates not as an abstract ideal but as lived ethics within the fabric of social relations and institutional mechanisms.

In such a governance apparatus, the foundational principle is the acceptance of differences and cultural interaction through continuous, open, and critical dialogue. A dialogue based on shared logic and synergistic collective experience, from which a model of ethical solidarity and sustainable coexistence emerges. This approach, unlike ethno-centric homogenising notions or reductionist cultural models, emphasises the adaptability of institutional mechanisms to the complex realities of Afghanistan’s society of and provides the grounds for sustainable development, political stability, and social justice based on inclusion, diversity and pluralism.

Considering the outlined theoretical and practical horizon, one can only hope for a measured transition from Afghanistan's chronic political, social, and cultural crises; to a horizon in which justice, human development, and intercultural dialogue act as three pillars for reconstructing collective life and liberation from historical cycles of violence, exclusion, and decline. Necessity dictates that shared perspectives be reflected in the form of a comprehensive roadmap, and in the field of action, an alternative and substitute voice against the existing situation be presented, while differences of opinion are also considered in a balanced and harmonious manner in the light of critical dialogues, expert assessments, and future-oriented approaches.

Conclusion

The results discussions at Cambridge Afghanistan Series (CAS) indicate that politics in Afghanistan, much like the political culture of the Persianate world, is indeed the art of engaging with the other and managing differences with respect, ensuring peaceful coexistence. Realising paradigmatic change and establishing legitimate governance is only possible through the integration of scholarly insights, indigenous capacities, and effective principles of governance—an approach that guarantees both social legitimacy and stability as well as sustainable development.

The lessons and historical experiences of an ethics-oriented tradition show that justice in successful governance transcends individual virtue and acts as the foundation and criterion for the legitimacy of any political order. This perspective recognises differences viewpoints and diversity, emphasises dialogue and rational decision-making, preventing the imposition of a single notion on society. More precisely, ethics-centricity in governance is the intersection of practical wisdom, the concept of political legitimacy, and the idea of distributive and procedural justice; where ethics, wisdom, and justice are interwoven and provide a stable framework for fair political practice.

Within such a vision, justice is not only an individual virtue but a fundamental core that shapes governing institutions and political structures and makes peaceful coexistence among groups, ethnicities, religions, sects, and languages possible. This model, by establishing a deep link between ethics, political philosophy, practical wisdom, and political legitimacy, is a key axis that was emphasised at the CAS for advancing paradigmatic change and can serve as a guide for rethinking contemporary governance and political practice.

Ultimately, the path ahead for Afghanistan requires a combination of collective wisdom, respect for cultural and social diversity, utilisation of historical experiences and indigenous capacities, and the adoption of innovative and transformative approaches. Politics, in this sense, is the art of coexistence; an art that guarantees political order, social justice, and civilisational will, and liberates the country from repetitive cycles of injustice, conflicts, and historical failures.

The CAS, by linking ethics-oriented intellectual traditions and modern experiences, providing a space for open dialogue, plays a strategic role in reconstructing political discourse, advancing the idea of paradigmatic change, and presenting a practical alternative for Afghanistan’s future. This approach has been considered in formulating the CCR—a framework that on the one hand focuses on common points among diverse collectives and on the other provides grounds for critical dialogues to achieve a comprehensive political agreement on existing overlapping consensus.